IDEAL | The Great Game of Britain: The classic race game along Britain's historic railway networks | Classic Board Games | For 2-6 Players | Ages 7+

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Russia remained a focus for Curzon through and after his time as Viceroy of India. [134] "The British colluded with the Russians over Central Asia" [ edit ] Britain and Russia officially ended their dispute with the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907, and afterward cooperated to enforce its provisions on Qajar Iran, while covert rivalry continued. [111] Effect of The Great Game on contemporary political boundaries [ edit ] On India [ edit ]

Orientalist’ Frames of Study? Russo-British Relations, ‘the Great Powers’, and ‘Decadent Oriental States’ a b Phanjoubam, Pradip (2016). The Northeast question: conflicts and frontiers. New Delhi. pp.146–152. ISBN 978-1-317-34003-4. OCLC 944186170. {{ cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher ( link) a b c d e Irwin, Robert (21 June 2001). "An Endless Progression of Whirlwinds". London Review of Books. Vol.23, no.12. ISSN 0260-9592. Archived from the original on 1 September 2021 . Retrieved 1 September 2021. Chapter three: the road to the Oxus, 1864–1873' (pp. 105–48) outlines the Russian conquest of the three primary Central Asian states of Khokand, Bokhara, and Khiva, resulting in the establishment of Russian Turkestan and moving Russia within striking distance of India. Amidst the conquest, complex networks of relations are highlighted between the Central Asian states, British India, and the Ottoman Empire, facilitated in part by a pan-Islamic movement which sometimes worked to one or the other imperial power's favor, and at other times to the potential detriment of both (p. 117). These networks extended into Eastern (later called Chinese) Turkestan with its center at Kashgar where Yakub Beg, taking advantage of the region's destabilization through fallout from the Taiping Rebellion (1850–64), took power in this period only to become a pawn in the Great Game (pp. 133–42). But while 'the political crisis in Chinese Turkestan contributed to the general deterioration of not only Russo-Chinese but also Russo-British relations' (p. 142), it was the Russian conquest of Khiva which, above all, compelled Britain to undertake 'a fundamental rethinking' of the defence of India (p. 142). Up until this time, Britain had been vacillating between '“Masterly Inactivity”' and '“Imbecility”', uncertain as to whether or not they should be seriously concerned by the Russian conquest of Central Asia (pp. 125–33). Most importantly, however, 'the first, fragile seeds of future collaboration had been planted' via 'the Gorchakov-Granville compromise' of 1873, which would not only serve as a reference point for later negotiations (cf. e.g. p. 223), but 'anticipated the forthcoming end' of rivalry between Russia and Britain over Asia (pp. 106, 148). a b c d Gozalova, Nigar (2023). "Qajar Iran at the centre of British–Russian confrontation in the 1820s". The Maghreb Review. 48 (1): 89–99. doi: 10.1353/tmr.2023.0003. ISSN 2754-6772. S2CID 255523192.

Russia in Central Asia in 1889, and the Anglo-Russian question". Library of Congress. Archived from the original on 16 December 2021 . Retrieved 6 June 2022.

Hopkirk, Peter (1990). The Great Game: On Secret Service in High Asia. London: Hachette UKJohn Murray (published 2006). ISBN 9781848544772 . Retrieved 14 June 2019. The Caucasus, thanks to Urquhart and his friends, had thus become part of the Great Game battlefield. What this means for the Russian advance into Central Asia is summed up most effectively in one particular passage: The Great Game has been described as a cliché-metaphor, [182] and there are authors who have now written on the topics of "the Great Game" in Antarctica, [183] the world's far north, [184] and in outer space. [185] a b c d e f Andreev, A. I. (2003). Soviet Russia and Tibet: the debacle of secret diplomacy, 1918-1930s. Leiden: Brill. pp.13–15, 18–20. ISBN 90-04-12952-9. OCLC 51330174. Archived from the original on 24 January 2023 . Retrieved 1 September 2021.

Curzon, George Nathaniel Curzon (1967). Russia in central Asia in 1889 and the Anglo-Russian question. New York, Barnes & Noble. pp.296–297.

Ali Masjid and the British Camp, 1878". www.wdl.org. 5 November 1878. Archived from the original on 29 February 2020 . Retrieved 29 February 2020.In 1908, the Persian Constitutional Revolution sought to establish a Western-oriented, democratic civil society in Iran, with an elected Majilis, a relatively free press and other reforms. Seeking to resolve financial problems of the Qajar dynasty such as heavy debts to Imperial Russia and Britain, the Majilis recruited the American financial expert, Morgan Schuster, who later wrote the book The Strangling of Persia condemning Britain and Russia. [12] In 1810, British Lieutenant Henry Pottinger and Captain Charles Christie undertook an expedition from Nushki ( Balochistan) to Isfahan (Central Persia) disguised as Muslims. The expedition was funded by the East India Company and was to map and research the regions of "Beloochistan" (Balochistan) and Persia because of concerns about India being invaded by French forces from that direction. [27] After the disastrous French invasion of Russia in 1812 and the collapse of the French army, the threat of a French invasion through Persia was removed. Minute by Viceroy, encl. No. 123 of 1875, Government of India, Foreign Department (Political), to Salisbury, 7 June 1875, N.P.123.

Regardless, Eurocentric ‘orientalist’ approaches did not end with the fall of the Tsarist Empire, for Kazakh and other non-Slavic peoples were themselves forced, during the Soviet period, to confess something directly akin to such creeds as part of the national anthems imposed upon their republics, declaring in bold fashion: ‘Protectors of the nations, we express much gratitude to the great Russian people’. (47) Empire and Information: Intelligence Gathering and Social Communication in India:1780-1870 By Christopher Alan Bayly. Cambridge University Press, 1996. p138 Here we are, just as we were, snarling at each other, hating each other, but neither wishing for war. – Lord Palmerston (1835) [31] all Soviet scholars shared the opinion that Britain had always been an aggressive imperialistic power in the Orient and that British colonial rule should be considered far crueler and less acceptable to indigenous ethnicities than that inaugurated by Tsarist civil and military authorities (p. 11). Lawyer and mediator in Supreme Court of India, Aman M. Hingorani in his book Unravelling the Kashmir Knot that Winston Churchill directed War Cabinet to assess ‘the long-term policy required to safeguard the strategic interests of the British Empire in India and the Indian Ocean’, the report in respect of which was submitted on 19 May 1945. He states in the book:It would add power and prestige to the Russian regime that was the great enemy of political freedom. Silk and spice festival in modern-day Bukhara, Uzbekistan First signs of possible India invasion [ edit ] 1909 map of the British Indian Empire, showing British India in two shades of pink and the princely states in yellow In the early 1880s Russia failed to float a nine 9 million loan on the European markets for its strategic geopolitical enterprises, driving severe budget cuts by the Minister of Finance. For the construction of the Russo-Indian railway however, an operation supervised by renowned engineer General Mikhail Annenkov, funding had been freely furnished. [30] [33] Narendra Singh Sarila, aide-de-camp to Lord Louis Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of British India, in 1948 describes in his book The Shadow of the Great Game that based on his research in The Oriental and India Collection of British Library that the partition of India was partially connected to the Great Game between Britain and the USSR. He stated the following in his book: